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Remarks by Secretary Hagel at the National Defense University

Dwight D. Eisenhower photo portrait.

Dwight D. Eisenhower photo portrait. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

General, thank you.  I am very proud to be here.  I am proud to be among all of you who give so much every day and will continue to contribute to our country and making a better world. And I thank you for that service.

            For a fancy general, to give such an overstated introduction to a retired army sergeant is something that I rarely get.  But I am very appreciative of the generous introduction and to you, general, and all of your staff and colleagues here.  Thank you for what you continue to do for our country in this important institution, an institution, I think, as important for our country and the development not only of our leaders, but the leaders of other nations who are represented here today.

            I think it is one of the wisest investments our country has made and will continue to make in developing our leaders, helping other nations develop their leaders, based not just on military doctrine, but on the principles and values of mutual respect and dignity and the rule of law.  And this facility, this institution, has done that very effectively for many, many years, so I thank you all.

            Generations of our military leaders have come to this institution here at Fort McNair to receive training and education they needed to succeed not just in combat, but in their daily lives.  The responsibilities you all will take on will be immense.  Every day you will face decisions with real implications for the safety and welfare of our troops and the security of our nation.

            As you move onward and upward in your careers, I would urge you to always keep three questions in mind before making a decision:

           Does this help protect national security?

           Is this in America’s strategic interests, which includes the political, economic, and moral dimensions?

           Is this worthy of the service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform, and their families?

            These questions speak to the Department of Defense‘s most basic responsibilities defending the nation, advancing America’s strategic interests, and keeping faith with its quiet heroes.

            How we fulfill these enduring responsibilities at a time of unprecedented shifts in the world order, new global challenges, and deep global fiscal uncertainty is the subject of my remarks today.

            I want to focus on challenges, choices and opportunities:

           the challenges posed by a changing strategic landscape and new budget constraints;

           the choices we have in responding to these challenges, and;

           the opportunities that exist to fundamentally reshape the defense enterprise to better reflect 21st century realities.

            NDU is an appropriate venue for this discussion because the success of these efforts ultimately rests on the abilities and judgments of our military and civilian leaders.  Those here today.

            As President Dwight Eisenhower said during a visit to these grounds more than fifty years ago, “the wise and prudent administration of the vast resources required by defense calls for extraordinary skill in meshing the military, political, economic, and social machinery of our modern life…so that the greatest effective use is made of resources with a minimum of waste and misapplication.”

            As a former Army officer who graduated from this campus shortly before the onset of the Great Depression, Eisenhower knew of what he spoke.

            The security landscape of 2013 is of a far different character than the world of 1960, or even the world of a few years ago.  But Eisenhower’s words still ring true today.  The United States is emerging from more than a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, but the threat of violent extremism persists and continues to emanate from weak states and ungoverned spaces in the Middle East and North Africa.

            There also stands an array of other security challenges of varying vintage and degrees of risk to the United States:  the proliferation of dangerous weapons and materials, the increased availability of advanced military technologies in the hands of state and non-state actors, the risk of regional conflicts that could draw in the United States, the debilitating and dangerous curse of human despair and poverty, as well as the uncertain implications of environmental degradation.

            Cyberattacks which barely registered as a threat a decade ago have grown into a defining security challenge, with potential adversaries seeking the ability to strike at America’s security, energy, economic and critical infrastructure with the benefit of anonymity and distance.

            The world today is combustible and complex, and America’s responsibilities are as enormous as they are humbling.  These challenges to our security and prosperity demand America’s continued global leadership and engagement, and they require a principled realism that is true to our values.

            The United States military remains an essential tool of American power, but one that must be used judiciously, with a keen appreciation of its limits.  Most of the pressing security challenges today have important political, economic, and cultural components, and do not necessarily lend themselves to being resolved by conventional military strength.  Indeed, the most destructive and horrific attack ever on the United States came not from fleets of ships, bombers, and armored divisions, but from 19 fanatical men wielding box cutters and one-way plane tickets.

            So our military must continue to adapt in order to remain effective and relevant in the face of threats markedly different than those that shaped our defense institutions during the Cold War.

            Since 9/11, the military has grown more deployable, more expeditionary, more flexible, more lethal, and more professional.  It has also grown significantly older as measured by the age of major platforms and enormously more expensive in just about every area.

            Today America’s defense institutions are emerging, and in some cases recovering, from more than a decade of sustained conflict while confronting new strategic challenges and doing so with significantly less resources than the department has had in the past.

As this audience knows, this process of change and realignment is already well underway.  It began under Secretary Gates, who recognized that what he called the post-9/11 “gusher” of defense spending was coming to an end.  Under his leadership, the department worked to reduce overhead costs within the military services, and canceled or curtailed a number of major modernization programs that were performing poorly or poorly suited to real-world demands.

The realignment continued under Secretary Panetta, who worked closely with the president and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to craft new defense strategic guidance and a defense budget which reduced the department’s planned spending by $487 billion over ten years.  Even while reshaping the force to become smaller and leaner, this budget made important investments in the new strategy including rebalancing our defense posture to the Asia-Pacific and prioritizing critical capabilities such as cyber, special operations, and unmanned systems.

So the Department of Defense has been preparing for this inevitable downturn in defense budgets, and has taken significant steps to reduce spending and adapt to the new strategic environment.

Nevertheless, a combination of fiscal pressures and a gridlocked political process has led to far more abrupt and deeper reductions than were planned for or expected.  Now DoD is grappling with the serious and immediate challenge of sequester which is forcing us to take as much as a $41 billion cut in this current fiscal year, and if it continues, will reduce projected defense spending by another $500 billion over the next decade.

            The sequester cut, because it falls heavily on operations and modernization accounts, is already having a disruptive and potentially damaging impact on the readiness of the force.

            The department has already made many cuts, including cuts to official travel and facilities maintenance.  We have imposed hiring freezes and halted many important but non-essential activities.  However, we will have to do more.  Across-the-board reductions of the size we are looking at will demand that we furlough civilian personnel, which could affect morale and may impact productivity.  Cuts will fall heavily on maintenance and training, which further erodes the readiness of the force and will be costly to regain in the future.  As the service chiefs have said, we are consuming our readiness.  Meanwhile, our investment accounts and the defense industrial base are not spared damage as we take indiscriminate cuts across these areas of the budget too.

            These are the challenges that face us right now, and I am determined to help the department get out ahead of them.  General Dempsey has said that we need to “lead through” this crisis.  I have told our senior leadership the joint chiefs, the service secretaries, and the undersecretaries of defense we are in this together, and we will come out of it together.

The task ahead for the department is to prepare for the future, but not in a way that neglects, or is oblivious to, the realities of the present.  We are therefore undertaking a process to develop choices, options and priorities to deal with further reductions in the defense budget that could result from a comprehensive deficit reduction deal or the persistence of sequester level cuts all anchored by the president’s strategic guidance.

My goal in directing this Strategic Choices and Management Review which is being led by Deputy Secretary Carter, who is working with General Dempsey is to ensure that we are realistically confronting both our strategic and fiscal challenges.  It is not to assume or tacitly accept that deep cuts such as those imposed by sequester will endure, or that these cuts can be accommodated without a significant reduction in military capabilities.  At the same time, we cannot simply wish or hope our way to carrying out a responsible national security strategy and its implementation.  The department must understand the challenges and uncertainties, plan for the risks, and, yes, recognize the opportunities inherent in budget constraints and more efficient and effective restructuring.

This exercise is also about matching missions with resources looking at ends, ways, and means.  This effort will by necessity consider big choices that could lead to fundamental change and a further prioritization of the use of our resources.  Change that involves not just tweaking or chipping away at existing structures and practices but where necessary fashioning entirely new ones that are better suited to 21st century realities and challenges.  All of this with the goal of ensuring that we can better execute the strategic guidance set out by the president.

In order for this effort to succeed, we need to be steely-eyed and clear-headed in our analysis, and explore the full range of options for implementing our national security strategy.  We need to challenge all past assumptions, and we need to put everything on the table.

For example, it is already clear to me that any serious effort to reform and reshape our defense enterprise must confront the principal drivers of growth in the department’s base budget namely acquisitions, personnel costs, and overhead.

In many respects, the biggest long-term fiscal challenge facing the department is not the flat or declining top-line budget, it is the growing imbalance in where that money is being spent internally.  Left unchecked, spiraling costs to sustain existing structures and institutions, provide benefits to personnel, and develop replacements for aging weapons platforms will eventually crowd out spending on procurement, operations and readiness the budget categories that enable the military to be and stay prepared.

If these trends are not reversed, former Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Gary Roughead warned, DoD could transform from “an agency protecting the nation to an agency administering benefit programs, capable of buying only limited quantities of irrelevant and overpriced equipment.”

Thanks to the efforts of my predecessors and other DoD leaders, we have made strides in addressing some of this internal “crowding out” in the budget.  Much more hard work, difficult decisions and strategic prioritizing remains to be done.  Deep political and institutional obstacles to these necessary reforms will need to be engaged and overcome.

I’m concerned that despite pruning many major procurement programs over the past four years, the military’s modernization strategy still depends on systems that are vastly more expensive and technologically risky than what was promised or budgeted for.  We need to continually move forward with designing an acquisition system that responds more efficiently, effectively and quickly to the needs of troops and commanders in the field.  One that rewards cost-effectiveness and efficiency, so that our programs do not continue to take longer, cost more, and deliver less than initially planned and promised.

With full recognition for the great stresses that our troops and their families have been under and been under for nearly twelve years of war, and for the essential contributions civilian employees make to the department’s mission, fiscal realities demand another hard look at personnel how many people we have both military and civilian, how many we need, what these people do, and how we compensate them for their work, service, and loyalty with pay, benefits and health care.  This will involve asking tough questions.

Tough questions such as:

What is the right mix of civilian and military personnel across the Department and its various components?

Within the force, what is the right balance between officers and enlisted?

Without necessarily accepting the oft-stated claim that there are more than 300,000 service members performing civilian and commercial functions, what is the appropriate distribution of troops performing combat, support and administrative duties?

There will likewise have to be close scrutiny of DoD’s organizational chart and command structures, most of which date back to the early years of the Cold War.  The last major defense re-organization, Goldwater-Nichols, was drafted at the height of the Reagan defense buildup and focused on improving jointness and establishing clear operational chains of command.  Cost and efficiency were not major considerations.

Goldwater-Nichols succeeded in its purpose by strengthening the joint staff and the combatant commands, but it went about doing this by layering joint organizations and processes atop service organizations and atop processes.  The elevation of the former did not automatically lead to the diminution of the latter.

Today the operational forces of the military measured in battalions, ships, and aircraft wings have shrunk dramatically since the Cold War era.  Yet the three and four star command and support structures sitting atop these smaller fighting forces have stayed intact, with minor exceptions, and in some cases they are actually increasing in size and rank.

More broadly, despite good efforts and intentions, it is still not clear that every option has been exercised or considered to pare back the world’s largest back-office.  Prior efficiency campaigns yielded substantial savings from the services, and some from the DoD-elements known as the “Fourth Estate,” which consists, as you all know, of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the joint staff, the combatant commands and the defense agencies and field activities the Missile Defense Agency as well as those that provide health care, intelligence, and contracting support.

We need to relook at funding for these activities, which won’t be easy.  With respect to the fourth estate, former Secretary of Defense Gates compared the process of looking for savings to “going on an Easter Egg hunt” an image for this time of year.   Secretary Panetta was more blunt he called the Pentagon quote a “big damned bureaucracy.”  It doesn’t sound like Panetta at all!  Wherever you are, Leon, know that we are quoting you.

The military is not, and should never be, run like a corporation.  But that does not mean we don’t have a good deal to learn from what the private sector has achieved over the past 20 to 30 years, in which reducing layers of upper and middle management not only reduces costs and micromanagement, it also leads to more agile and effective organizations and more empowered junior leaders.

In light of all these trends, we need to examine whether DoD is structured and incentivized to ask for more and do more, and that entails taking a hard look at requirements how they are generated, and where they are generated from.

It could turn out that making dramatic changes in each of these areas could prove unwise, untenable, or politically impossible.  Yet we have no choice but to take a very close look and see how we can do all of this better.

In order to address acquisition, personnel, and overhead costs in smart ways that have not been done before we need time, flexibility, and the support and partnership of Congress.  We also need long-term budget certainty.

One of the biggest problems that sequester has brought is that it is requiring immediate, deep and steep cuts.  This means that the department will by necessity have to look at large cuts to operations and modernization to find savings that can be quickly realized.

The kinds of reforms the department needs in other areas would take some time to implement, and take longer for significant savings to accrue.  If we get time and flexibility to implement savings, we could limit the impact of spending reductions on force structure and modernization while still making a significant contribution to deficit reduction.

By contrast, the cuts required by sequester afford neither time nor flexibility.  These quick and dramatic cuts would almost certainly require reductions in what have long been considered core military capabilities and changes in the traditional roles and missions among the uniformed services.

Regardless, we will need to take a critical look at our military capabilities and ensure that our force structure and modernization plans are directly and truly aligned with the president’s strategy.  That includes taking a new look at how we define and measure readiness and risk, and factor both into military requirements.  It also includes balancing the competing demands of capacity and capability how much of any given platform we need, and how much capability it needs to have to fulfill real-world missions.

The size and shape of the force needs to be constantly re-assessed, to include the balance between active and reserve, the mix of conventional and unconventional capabilities, general purpose and special operations units, and the appropriate balance between forward stationed, rotationally deployed, and home-based forces.  We also need to re-assess how much we can depend on our allies and partners, what can we anticipate from them in capabilities and capacity, and factor these calculations into both our short and long-term planning.

A thorough examination of the way our military is organized and operates will also highlight our inherent strengths.  Our strategic planning must emphasize these strengths, which include leader development, training, mobility and logistics, special operations forces, cyber, space, and research and development.

Another core strength we have is that the United States military has always proved capable of adapting to new realities, even when resources were relatively scarce.

Consider that in the lean interwar years between World War I and World War II during the Great Depression, a group of farsighted officers with virtually no funding or prospect of promotion and you remember in your history how long General Eisenhower was a lieutenant colonel, a good example of what we’re talking about.  They conceived important new platforms and operating concepts for armored warfare, amphibious assault, aircraft carriers, submarines, and long-range bombers all of which proved decisive in the Second World War.

After the Korean War, President Eisenhower’s “new look” defense strategy controlled the growth of defense spending then exceeding 10 percent of GDP while investing in the kind of strategic and long-range capabilities that were critical during the Cold War and are still employed in various forms today.

As the military grappled with incredible challenges to morale and readiness after Vietnam it also made the transition to an all-volunteer force and protected key investments in technologies like stealth, precision weapons, and platforms like the F-16 and Abrams tank.

Even during the 1990s procurement holiday, we invested in satellite guidance and networking systems, as well as remotely piloted aircraft that have been game-changers during the last decade of war.

The goal of the senior leadership of this department today is to learn from the miscalculations and mistakes of the past drawdowns, and make the right decisions that will sustain our military strength, advance our strategic interests, and protect our nation well into the future.

Let me now conclude with some comments on America and its role in the world.

During this period of budget turmoil, and after a financial crisis and a decade where our country has grown weary of war and skeptical of foreign engagements, questions arise about the merits of America’s global leadership.

America does not have the luxury of retrenchment we have too many global interests at stake, including our security, our prosperity, and our future.  If we refuse to lead, something, someone will fill the vacuum.  The next great power may not use its power as responsibly or judiciously as America has used its power over the decades since World War II.  We have made mistakes and miscalculations with our great power.  But as history has advanced, America has helped make a better world for all people with its power.  A world where America does not lead is not the world I wish my children to inherit.

More than a century ago on this campus, while laying the cornerstone on the building which now bears his name, President Theodore Roosevelt declared that the United States had “by the mere trend of events, been forced into a position of world power.”  He went on to say that America “cannot bear these responsibilities aright unless its voice is potent for peace and justice…with the assured self-confidence of the just man armed.”

What distinguishes America is not our power, for the world has known great power.  It is America’s purpose and our commitment to making a better life for all people.  We are a wise, thoughtful and steady nation, worthy of our power, generous of spirit, and humble in our purpose.  That is the America we will defend together, with the purpose and self-confidence of the “just man armed.”

Thank you, and I would be happy to take your questions. (Applause).

Thank you. (Applause).

Thank you. (Applause).

Thank you.  If your questions are not too tough, I’ll take a few.

And even if a general asks a question, I’ll answer it.

Yes, there’s one back here.  Yeah.

Q:  Hello.  Thank you for coming.  I’m Stephanie Lynch from National War College.  I’m a student.

I’m pleased that you’re here today.  I definitely think that you will have the steely-eyed vision to lead us through this difficult period.  But I do have a difficult question.

So if — I do appreciate that you said that civilians are important, but why are we still furloughing?  And in case your advisers haven’t told you, it is affecting morale.

SEC. HAGEL:  Well, thank you first for what you do and your contributions to our security.

Your question regarding furloughs, I wish I didn’t have to answer that question.  I wish we had other options.  But the reality is, as I noted in my comments, we are dealing with a $41 billion shortfall that was not planned for.

As I also noted in my remarks, many of the accounts where we must focus our readiness and our first mission, securing this country, are accounts where we don’t have enough resources:  operations, maintenance.  We’ve had to cut our training.  Many of you in this room are well aware of the wings we’ve had to stand down, other consequences.

As we’ve tried to be fair and analyze where we take those cuts — and we take them because we have no choice — and trying to minimize the hurt and the pain that these cuts are causing across our entire range of responsibilities, and, first of all, people, we’ve had to look at everything.  We’ve had to look at all the accounts.  We’ve had to look at where our money goes.

We had initially thought that we might have to make some difficult decisions on furlough as long as 22 days.  We have, because of the Congress’ actions a couple of weeks ago, passing a continuing resolution, been able to move some monies around with a little more flexibility.  We still don’t have a lot of flexibility.  And no matter how you look at it, we didn’t get any more money.

So now we’re looking at the possibility of furloughs up to 14 days.  If we can do that better and less, we will — recognizing, as I said and you noted, that morale will be affected.

But the tough decisions that are going to have to be made, and we will have to make them, are done on the basis of what we think is — is the most fair way to do this.  But our readiness and our capabilities have to always come first.  Because it is the first mission and responsibility of this institution, the protection and security of this country.

So as I began my answer, which I know is not a good answer:  I wish I didn’t have to answer that question.  If we can do better, we will do better.  And believe me, every person at the Pentagon is working very hard to try to continue to minimize this issue for our — our civilian people.  And I also, though, at the same time, want to be honest with you and not mislead you about the reality that we find ourselves in.


Q:  Thank you, sir.  I appreciate your remarks.

I appreciate the news this morning that you yourself are going to be taking a pay cut as we go through this furlough.  Very much appreciate the gesture.

However, as we look into the future, you mentioned in your — your remarks that you’re looking at strategic — strategic cuts that involve military benefits — health care, retirement and compensation.

And so as I hear your comments and the previous question, I wonder, are those cuts imminent or are those cuts are you think coming as a result of a long process of looking at strategic cuts in the future?

SEC. HAGEL:  They are looking at our ability, as I said in my comments, to sustain the commitments that we have made to the men and women who join the military, as well as our civilians.  We make promises.  This country makes commitments to people.  We’ll honor those.

But I don’t think there’s anyone here today that has not heard of or aware of the fact that, if you play this out over a 10, 20-year period, we’re not going to be able to sustain the current personnel costs and retirement benefits.  There will be no money in the budget for anything else.  And as Admiral Roughead said, we’ll become essentially a transfer agency.

Now, how do we do this now to get some lead time on this so we can adjust to the realities that we know are coming?  I mean, it’s — Social Security is the same thing.  Medicare is the same thing.  You can’t sustain those programs, those commitments.  We know that.

So that’s not the question.  The question is, how do you then respond to it?  We’ve got time to get ahead of it if we start planning for it now.  That is part of the review.  It’s not new.  There’s no one in this institution that has not been aware of the fact that we were going to have to start adjusting in some way.

But I think to — what I believe is your more immediate question, as far as immediate cuts to health care and so on, no, I don’t — I don’t see those kinds of things coming this year.  We are going to go forward in budget presentations and ask the Congress to explore ways to — where it’s possible to increase fees on — on different programs.  I think that’s fair.  And I think that we’ve got to look at everything, as I said.

I’m sorry.  I wish it was otherwise.  But that’s the — that’s a fact of life.  And the longer we defer these things, the worse it’s going to be for all of us.

So let’s be smart.  Let’s try to get ahead of it.  That’s the whole point of why I directed our leaders to come up with a strategic review.  We have resources.  We’re going to continue to have resources, but we’ve got to be wise in how we apply those resources.

Your people — you all know this — are your most important product.  Without people, systems — it doesn’t matter.  It doesn’t matter how sophisticated your weapons are.  Your people are everything in any institution, and you take care of your people.  I’m committed to do that.  I think every leader here has committed — or you wouldn’t be here — to take care of your people, the families, the commitments that we’ve made.  And we’re doing everything we can to assure that commitment and will continue to do that.

Q:  Good afternoon, sir.  Matt Cummings from the Department of Defense National War College.

As much as I’d like to complain about our pay cut, I have a different question.  You mentioned the pivot to Asia.  I would be interested in what you think we might be able to do to reach out to build a better relationship with China to help work on containing some of the belligerency we see coming out of North Korea.

SEC. HAGEL:  I had a long conversation last night with the new Chinese minister of defense, General Chang.  It was a very positive conversation.  And we talked about some pretty tough issues, starting with North Korea, touchy issues, like Taiwan.  As I think all of you know, General Dempsey is going to China this month, and Secretary Kerry will be in China this month.  So, as you also know, Secretary of Treasury Lew was in China the last few weeks.

So we are continuing to reach out, strengthen our relationship with China.  China’s a great power.  It will continue to be a great power.  We have many common interests.  General Chang and I talked about those common interests.  We have differences.  We’ll have differences.  We have differences with allies.  It’s not differences that matter.  It’s how you deal with differences.  You build a platform of a relationship based on your common interests, not on your differences.

And North Korea is a very good example of a common interest.  Certainly, the Chinese don’t want a right now complicated, combustible situation to explode into a worse situation.  It’s not in their interests for that to happen, certainly not in our interests or our allies’ interests.

So, like always, relationships are built face to face.  They’re built around common interest, institutional interests, as well as personal interests.  And I think using this institution as an example, 66 nations represented here in this room, this is the way you build understanding with each other.  This is the way you start to accept each other’s — as sovereign people, respect each other’s dignity as human beings.  Then you work out from there.

I think we can continue to build a strong relationship with China, with our differences.  And there are significant differences.  But there are too many common interests for both our countries.  And with wise, steady leadership — and I think the Chinese have shown their leadership to be steady, wise, careful.  And the more we can exchange at every level, programs, and especially military-to-military programs, I don’t know of a single institution in our government over the history of our country that’s had more of an impact on building relationships that count than military-to-military.

And one example I would use is Egypt.  If we would not have had the strong military-to-military relationship with Egypt, I’m not sure things would have turned out the same in Egypt over the last two years.

Now, you can’t solve all the problems — no, I understand that — nor should you be expected to.  But — but you can do an awful lot.  And as I said in my remarks — and no one in this room has heard this for the first time, because you all live it in your capacities as leaders — military leaders today, as they always have been, but especially today, are far more than military leaders.  I mean, you’re diplomats.  You’re psychiatrists.  You’re mentors.  You’re educators.  You’re referees.  In some cases, you’re — you’re sewer commissioners.  You’re school board chairman.  You have many, many responsibilities.  That’s real.  That’s life.  That’s what makes the difference in people and understanding people.

So I am a bit afar field, but I am a former senator.  So I —

I’ll hear about this I’m sure at a hearing next week, but —

I think it’s relevant to your question.  Thank you.


Q:  Good afternoon, sir.  I’m Windyjoy Majumdar from the Department of Navy, a civilian.  Thank you very much for being here today.  What do you believe are some opportunities that we have to partner with Department of State, Department of Homeland Security, in order to secure and protect our homeland, given the state of our budget?

SEC. HAGEL:  Well, I think the interagency relationship is always a key part of any agency institution carrying out its responsibilities.  In your particular question, you mention State, Homeland Security.

I point often to Secretary Gates’ speeches that he gave during his years as secretary of defense.  Many times, he sounded like the secretary of state.  Why aren’t we rebalancing priorities and the resources at State where some of these programs should reside, used to reside?  And in my opinion, he was — he was right.

State has a very important role to play in our foreign policy, obviously, but also in the interagency relationships — you mention Homeland Security, which is, as you all know, a new agency.  But they all connect, because there’s not an interest, there’s not a connection point that doesn’t affect all the other connection points that serve our interests, whether — whether it’s homeland interests, whether it’s economic interests, diplomatic interests, military interests, energy interests, cyber, whatever it is, they’re all connected in.

Homeland Security, the way it is structured — and I was there in the Senate at the time when we — when we rolled 22 agencies and departments up into one — has the authorities that are rather significant for, obviously, homeland security.

We’re still working through how we all work together.  And that’s okay.  And making those adjustments — but I think another part of your question was, how do you maximize and add value to each other for the bigger purpose and objective in this country?  You’re exactly right.  You have just identified in my opinion maybe the most important dimension of where we’re all going to have to go as government leaders in this country over the next few years and beyond.

We — we’ve not been getting our return on investment.  The taxpayer has not been getting their return on investment in how we connect our agencies and departments and how we work together.  We’re getting better.  Every day we’re getting better, far better today than it was five years ago.  But we’re kind of new at this.

And so you can’t continually overload the circuits, like I think we have over the last 10 years of the Department of Defense, and say, well, you’re going to do it all.  We’ll give you the money, but you’ve got the resources, you got the toys, you got the management, you got the people, so on and so on, so you go do it, because you can do it faster and, in almost every case, get it done better.

That distribution of labor resources has to now be rebalanced, because there’s a bigger return that can come from all of that.  So I think your question is a very important one, and it is central to everything that we’re all going to be doing and continue to do, especially you young leaders who are going to be moving into very, very important positions in your careers.

You’re here at a special time.  You really are.  You know, every generation has an opportunity to reshape the world, but some generations really have big opportunities.  Your generation has a big opportunity to reshape things.  And it will be you, I mean, this audience.


Q:  Secretary, thank you.  I’m Jim Babbitt.  I’m with DIA, and I am student at the National War College.  I’d like to return back to the front page.  If I scan correctly the headlines this morning, you’ve made comments related to North Korea and nuclear capability.  As I understood it, you were saying a specific level or some level of nuclear capability would not be acceptable.  Could you elaborate on that?

SEC. HAGEL:  Well, I was misquoted again.  No — (Laughter.)

Thanks for the question.  (Laughter.)

George Little is sitting here, and so he likes that kind of response, by the way.  George Little is the assistant secretary of defense for public affairs, so keep your answers short, he says.  (Laughter.)  (Applause.)

And deny like hell.  (Laughter.)

Thank you for your question.  I’m not sure I said it quite that starkly, but here’s the point.  North Korea has been a problem for not just the region, for many years.  We — the responsible powers in the region, starting with national security — permanent National Security Council have — and Japan have been part of talks with North Korea for a number of years.

We have been trying to work with the North Koreans to persuade them it’s not in their interests and certainly the Korean peninsula’s interest, South Koreans — as they have been part of this, as well — to pursue nuclear weapons.  They have nuclear capacity now.  They have missile delivery capacity now.

And so as they have ratcheted up her bellicose, dangerous rhetoric — and some of the actions they’ve taken over the last few weeks present a real and clear danger and threat to the interests, certainly of our allies, starting with South Korea and Japan; and also the threats that the North Koreans have leveled directly at the United States regarding our base in Guam, threatened Hawaii, threatened the West Coast of the United States.  As secretary of defense, and I think beginning with the president of the United States, and all of our leaders, we — we take those threats seriously.  We have to take those threats seriously.

I think we have had measured, responsible, serious responses to those threats.  We, as you know, are undergoing joint exercises with the South Koreans now.  We are doing everything we can, working with the Chinese, others to defuse that situation on — on the peninsula.

But, as I said in a news conference, I guess, last week when asked about this, it only takes being wrong once.  And I don’t want to be the secretary of defense who was wrong once.

So we will continue to take these threats seriously.  I hope the North will ratchet this very dangerous rhetoric down.  There is a pathway that’s responsible for the North to get on a path to peace, working with their neighbors.  There are many, many benefits to their people that could come.  But they’ve got to be a responsible member of the world community.  And you don’t achieve that responsibility and peace and prosperity by making nuclear threats and taking very provocative actions.

One last question here, and I’ll take one — yes.

Q:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

My name is Wolfgang Bean, colonel of the German army.

You mentioned what a wise investment it is in a generation of young leaders, especially foreigners who are — have the opportunity to stay here in your country.  For sure, me and my family will never forget this opportunity.  It’s broadened our horizons and it deepens the friendship to your country.

So my question concerns — wouldn’t it be wiser to have the same opportunity for my American colleagues.  Budget cuts, constraints, made them stay here.  They are not allowed to travel, to make their trips overseas and to learn about other countries.

            So — so if I may say so, if I were one of your advisers, Mr. Secretary, I would say probably delay the delivery of a warship or a tank or an F-35 about one year until we have overcome this challenges, and let them go.

            What is your opinion about this, sir?

            SEC. HAGEL:  Colonel, you are well on your way to making general.

            I don’t know how I add to that with this crowd.  I — that’s a magnificent way to end this.

Thank you all very much.

            MAJ. GEN. MARTIN:  (off mic)

            Thank you very much.

Press Conference on Missle Defense with Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel; James Miller, Principal Deputy Undersecretary for Policy, Department Of Defense; Admiral James Winnefeld, Vice Chairman, Joint Chiefs Of Staff

   SECRETARY OF DEFENSE CHUCK HAGEL:   Good afternoon.  I have a statement, and then I’ll take a couple questions.  And then ask the undersecretary and the vice chief to address the specific questions you have about the topic — that we’re gonna talk about – missile defense.

            Today I’m announcing a series of steps the United States will take to stay ahead of the challenge posed by Iran and North Korea’s development of longer-range ballistic missile capabilities.  The United States has missile defense systems in place to protect us from limited ICBM attacks.  But North Korea in particular has recently made advances in its capabilities and is engaged in a series of irresponsible and reckless provocations.

            Specifically, North Korea announced last month that it conducted its third nuclear test.  And last April, displayed what appears to be a road mobile ICBM.  It also used its Taepodong-2 missile to put a satellite into orbit, thus demonstrating progress in its development of long-range missile technology.

            In order to bolster our protection of the homeland and stay ahead of this threat, we are taking four steps.  First, we will strengthen homeland missile defense by deploying 14 additional ground-based interceptors, GBIs, at Fort Greely, Alaska.  That will increase the number of deployed ground-based interceptors from 30 to 44, including the four GBIs at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California.  These additional GBIs will provide a nearly will 50 percent increase in our missile defense capability.

            Second, with the support of the Japanese government, we are planning to deploy an additional radar in Japan.  The second TPY-2, or TPY-2 radar, will provide improved early warning and tracking of any missile launched in North Korea at the United States or Japan.

            Third, as directed by Congress, we are conducting environmental impact studies for a potential additional GBI site in the United States.  While the administration has not made any decision on whether to proceed with an additional site, conducting environmental impact studies will shorten the timeline for construction should that decision be made.

            And fourth, we are restructuring the SM-3 IIB program.  As many of you know, we had planned to deploy the SM-3 IIB as part of the European Phased Adaptive Approach.  The purpose was to add to the protection of the U.S. homeland already provided by our current GBIs against missile threats from the Middle East.

            The timeline for deploying this program had been delayed to at least 2022 due to cuts in congressional funding.  Meanwhile, the threat matures.

            By shifting resources from this lagging program to fund the additional GBIs as well as advance-kill vehicle technology that will improve the performance of the GBI and other versions of the SM-3 interceptor we will be able to add protection against missiles from Iran sooner, while also providing additional protection against the North Korean threat.

            Let me emphasize the strong and continued commitment of the United States to NATO missile defense.  That commitment remains ironclad.

            The missile deployments the United States is making in phases one through three of the European Phased Adaptive Approach, including sites in Poland and Romania, will be able to provide coverage of all European NATO territory as planned by 2018.

            The collective result of these four decisions will be to further improve our ability to counter future missile threats from Iran and North Korea while maximizing increasing, scarce taxpayer resources.  The American people expect us to take every necessary step to protect our security at home and U.S. strategic interests abroad, but they expect us to do so in the most efficient and effective manner possible.

            By taking the steps I outlined today we will strengthen our homeland defense, maintain our commitments to our allies and partners, and make clear to the world that the United States stands firm against aggression.

Thank you.


            Q:  Mr. Secretary, can you say with confidence that the ground-based interceptors in Alaska would actually shoot down a North Korean missile if it were fired at the U.S. given the very poor test performance of this interceptor?

            SEC. HAGEL:  Well, as you know, there was an issue regarding our gyro guidance system.  As you probably know, we are going to further test later this year.

            We have confidence in our system.  And we certainly will not go forward with the additional 14 interceptors until we are sure that we have the complete confidence that we will need.

            But — but the American people should be assured that our interceptors are effective.

            Q:  Can I follow up on that, sir?


            Q:  When do you think these 14 interceptors will be fielded?  And — and also, if you could, do you really believe that a deterrent will work against a country like North Korea?

            SEC. HAGEL:  Well, we’re looking at having all 14 interceptors in place by FY 217 — 2017.  The reason that we’re doing what we’re doing and the reason we’re advancing our program here for homeland security is to not take any chances — is to stay ahead of the threat and to assure any contingency.  And that’s — that’s why we’ve made the decisions that we have.

            Q:  Mr. Secretary, in hindsight, was it — was it a mistake to take missile field one offline and now having to spend the money to reactivate it?

            SEC. HAGEL:  Well, I’m gonna ask either the vice chief or the under secretary to answer that question because they’ve been here through the process.  I’ll take one more, then I’ll — we’ll get back to that question.

            Q:  What is the estimate on when North Korea would actually have a true intercontinental ballistic missile armed with a nuclear warhead?

            SEC. HAGEL:  Well, one of the reasons, again, we’re doing at we’re doing, based on the intelligence we have, is to assure that whatever their timelines are, that we’re not reacting to those timelines, that we’re ahead of any timelines of any potential threat.

            Q:  (inaudible)

            SEC. HAGEL:  Well, we — we feel confident that to have the 30 in place now and an additional 14 — be 44 by the end of 2017.  That gives our — our country the security it needs, and the people need to be reassured that that security is there.

            Let me — let me ask the under secretary and the vice chief to take your specific questions.

            Thank you.

            Q:  Mr. Miller, can you be clear on one thing?  The deploying of the additional 14 interceptors by 2017 is contingent on the United States Missile Defense Agency proving that the CE-2 warhead is verified and can hit a target.  Is that the pacing factor?

            UNDERSECRETARY JAMES MILLER:  That’s exactly right.  We will continue to stick with our fly before you buy approach.  As was noted before, the CE-2 — the CE-2 interceptor kill vehicle had a couple of test failures.  We had a successful test flight on January 26th.  MDA is looking to go forward from that successful test flight on the 26th for an intercept test in the coming months.

            It’s not — the schedule is not yet set.  We’ll be looking to try to do it within this calendar year.

            And then going forward from that we would — we would be looking to make the — make changes to those CE-2s that are currently in place, and then the new ground-based interceptors would also be CE-2s.

            At this point — I think if you talk to Jim Syring, the director of Missile Defense Agency, has pretty high confidence that we’re gonna be able to go forward on a — on a reasonable timeframe.

            If I could just also take this opportunity to say whether — whether the earlier decision to put a pause on Missile Field 1 was a mistake.  I think it was — at the time, based on the intelligence assessment that we had, it was a good bet.

            We saved — we saved resources at the time that we’ll now have to spend.  But at that time, the threat was uncertain.  Right?  We didn’t — we didn’t know that we would see today what we are now, and so it was — the whole concept of having a hedge, of being prepared to go from 30 to 44 ground-based interceptors was — understanding that the threat was uncertain and understanding that we may need to come and implement the hedge from 30 to 44, that’s what we’re doing today.

            Q:  Yes, thank you.  What was the reaction from China and Russia after they announced if we are working with other countries, other than Japan in the area, like India, as far as this new system is concerned?  Because in the USA, the Americans and Russian (inaudible) power are (inaudible).

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Now, let me just say that — that — that, first, we’ve talked to the Republic of Korea, we’ve talked to the Japanese, and — and have — and they understand the rationale for us going forward and — and the Japanese, as the secretary indicated, have agreed to move forward with the so-called TPY-2 radar to improve our coverage for both the United States and Japan.

            We have informed the Chinese.  And — and at this point I can’t characterize their reaction.

            Q:  They didn’t object or — did you consult with them or did you just inform them?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  We informed them.

            Q:  So what about — this’ll defend the United States.  I was just curious about Hawaii, like the American possessions in the Western Pacific; Marianas, Guam, those areas, will this — will this all cover those areas too?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  The — the Ground-Based Mid-Course Defense System provides coverage of — of the — of not just the continental United States, but — but all the United States.

            Q:  A clarification, then a question here.

            The second TPY-2 in Japan.  Is this the one that Secretary Panetta announced on his last day?  This isn’t another second radar, is it?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  That’s correct.

            Q:  I just wanted to make sure.

            And a more substantive question, you’re often talking about when you look at an adversary; there’s capability and intent.  The secretary talked about this new capability that we see in North Koreans’ testing, but how much of it is a new assessment of the new leader’s possible intentions, based on the rather incredibly caustic language in recent weeks?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Tom, the — the policy that we have for missile defense is we are — as we articulated in the 2010 ballistic defense review is to stay ahead of the threat.  Now, with respect to both North Korea and Iran, that means staying ahead of where we believe that capability would be and — and is not contingent on any assessment of intentions.

            ADMIRAL JAMES WINNEFELD:  But, Tom, there was a question a moment ago about deterrence.  And — and the fact of the matter is that deterrence exists in two forms.  One is denying an adversary’s objectives.  The other is imposing costs if they — if deterrence fails.

            And I think the national security adviser made it very clear in his speech on Monday that we not only intend to put the mechanics in place to deny any potential North Korean objective to launch a missile to the United States, but also to impose costs upon them if they do.

            And we believe that this young lad ought to be deterred by that.  And if he’s not, we’ll be ready.

            Q:  On the second intercept test, how soon will you know whether or not you’ll be able to conduct it by the end of this calendar year?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  The intent is essentially we wanted to make sure that we had a successful test this January before we proceeded, doing that fly-before-you-buy piece.

            And, in fact, that test was extremely successful.  We put a kill vehicle up there.  Missile Defense Agency put it through its paces in a very rigorous way, and it passed with flying colors.

            So now the real deciding factor in how long it will take us to conduct the next test against a target will be how long it takes us to build another interceptor with — another kill vehicle with the modifications to it that — that the Missile Defense Agency has made to fix the problem.

            So it’s really just a matter of doing that, and then we’re gonna do another test.

            Q:  Where are you in the process then?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  They’re — they’ve started assembling — you know, acquiring the components and assembling the additional EKV.  And that’s a — that’s a very technical piece of equipment.  It takes a while to put together.

            Q:  All right, thank you.

            Q:  Can you talk about the estimated cost to this entire project and how that fits in to the sequester?

            And this may be obvious, but I don’t know, where is the third GBI site slated to be?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Right, the — the cost of the — of this step will include, first of all, additional funding for Missile Field 2 — excuse me, Missile Field 1, to complete Missile Field 1 at Fort Greely.

            And then, an additional 14 ground-based interceptors, to — to — to emplace — in fact, what we’ll do is take test assets and bring them up to the CE-2 standard, and then replace them with procured, additional GBIs.

            So there isn’t — there is another 14 ground-based interceptors that will be bought, because of this.

            Very — very round numbers, it’ll be a little bit less than a billion dollars overall, is our best — our best current estimate.

            Q:  You say that 14 will be bought new, because Orbital Science has got a contract for 70 right now.  They delivered 53.


            ADM. WINNEFELD:  There are some — as you know, when the last test failed, there were a number of these that were in various stages of construction.  And that work was halted.

            Q:  OK.

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  So when we have a successful test, let’s say this fall, that work will resume, so those — those existing missiles on a production line would continue.  And then we would procure new ones as well.

            I don’t have the exact numbers on how many of which, but we would want to defer to Missile Defense Agency to give you the specifics on that.


            Q:  Sorry, can I go back to my question?  So is anything going to be — are you going to stop work anywhere else to, you know, fund this $1 billion project?  Where are you getting those funds?

            And, again, the third GBI setup, where is that gonna be?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  The — the funds that we’re — will be requesting will start in F.Y. 14 and so it’ll be — it’s part of the — of the budget bill that we’ve been — that we’ve been working on and will be submitting to Congress in the coming weeks.

            Congress mandated that — that the Department of Defense look at three locations for a potential additional site in the United States and mandated that two of them be on the East Coast.  And so, the Missile Defense Agency is currently assessing what two alternative locations on the East Coast to look at, and we’ll most likely have the third be Fort Greely, Alaska, where we already have interceptors.

            Q:  But you can’t be more specific?  I’m sorry…


            ADM. WINNEFELD:  We’re still looking at sites.

            Q:  Sir, I’m with TVN from Poland, so obviously, it is a question of regional interest.  Will this program announced today have any influence on the plans for a site in Poland — interceptor site in Poland?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  It will have no impact on that.  We will still go forward, as planned, with phase one through three.  Phase three for the European Phase-Adaptive Approach will involve deploying about 24 SM3 IIA interceptors, SM-3 interceptors including the IIA in Poland.  Same timeline, same footprint of U.S. forces to support that.

            And, as the secretary said, same coverage of NATO Europe.

            Q:  On that same point then, didn’t the secretary say that you’re restructuring that program?  Are you dropping the final phase of it and saving some money on that?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  That’s correct.


            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Yes, the — the prior plan had four phases.  The third phase involved the deployment of interceptors in Poland.  And we will continue with phases one through three.  In the fourth phase, in the previous plan, we would have added some additional — an additional type of interceptors, the so-called SM-3 IIB would have been added to the mix in Poland.

            We no longer intend to — to add them to the mix, but we’ll continue to have the same number of deployed interceptors in Poland that will provide coverage for all of NATO in Europe.

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  So the upshot of that is that the Europeans will see no difference in their ballistic missile defense.  The phase four for the SM3-IIB was about continuing defense of Europe, but also being able to extend that defense to part of the United States.

            It turns out that by doing what we’re announcing today, we get — and remember, this phase four of the SM-3 IIB wasn’t gonna appear until 2022 or beyond.  And this threat’s going a little faster.  So doing what we’re announcing today, we’re gonna get better defense of the United States, more fulsome coverage of the United States, and we’re gonna get it a lot sooner.

            So it makes complete sense to do this.  And the Europeans will not see a difference.

            Q:  On that point, sir, you just said this threat’s going a little faster.  Can you just expand on that, what — what threat, specifically, are you talking about here?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  In particular, the North Korean threat…


            ADM. WINNEFELD:  But we’re also obviously keeping a very close eye on the Iranian threat as well.

            Q:  What — what — what, technically, is happening?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  The — you know, last April we saw a parade in Pyongyang that had mixed — mixed accounts of whether they were real or fake missiles.  Six KN-08 missiles.  And we’ve also seen a nuclear test, the third nuclear test, recently.

            Obviously, without getting into intelligence aspects, we watch this evolving threat very, very closely.

            As you know, at the very beginning of this missile defense journey, we — we knew that we were going to have to be potentially adaptive in this.  And so, we have continually built this hedge — a set of tools from which we can select, if the threat either goes faster or slower than — than we thought.

            And so, the Korean threat went just a little bit faster than we might have expected. Very simply.  Pull the tools off the — off the shelf, and those four tools are what we’re announcing today.

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Let me just say…


            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Let me just add to what the admiral said, that we also saw the Taepodong-2 launch in December as well.

            Q:  But do you know if that that KN-08 is a real or a fake missile?  And do you know whether it has the range to reach the United States?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  We would probably want to avoid the intelligent aspects of that.  But — but we believe the KN-08 probably does have the range to reach the United States and the — our assessment of — of where it exists in its lifetime is something that would remain classified.

            Q:  And one last question on what you know, the nuclear test. Has — has the U.S. been able to confirm that, that was in fact a nuclear test, and if so, whether it was a test using a uranium device or a plutonium device?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  I’d defer to the intelligence community, but we have a pretty high degree of confidence that it was a nuclear test, and I wouldn’t want to get into the characterization.

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  We believe it was — yes?

            Q:  Are you deploying more Aegis and SM-3s to Asia-Pacific?

            And on the second radar to Japan, when do you expect it deployed, and where would that be?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Good question. We continue to — to build and deploy additional SM-3 interceptors.  As you know, we currently have the SM-318 deployed.  We are beginning the process of — of moving from development to deployment of the SM-3 IB interceptor and we are co-developing with Japan the SM-3 IIA.

            And so that — that — the number of SM-3 interceptors will continue to grow.  And that will be true globally.  And as you look at our — at our overall force posture, including our continued efforts to rebalance the Asia-Pacific, you’ll see a growing number of SM-3 interceptors in the Asia-Pacific over time.

            With respect to the time line for the second TPY-2, we’re in discussions with the — with the Japanese government about — about precisely when that can be accomplished, and at this point I would say it’s a matter of at least some months before that — before that will occur.

            Q:  How many Aegis do you have other there?  Do you expect more?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  Yeah, the exact number of BMD-capable Aegis ships, I don’t have at my fingertips, but it’s around five.  That — that sort of number.

            The real — Dr. Miller really hit the key point, and that is, this is more about how many interceptors we have over there, filling the tubes on those ships, than it is the number of ships.

            Q:  The scale back of the SM-3 IIB to Europe; does that in any way impact that Japan’s helping you develop the SM-3 IIA.

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  No, not at all.

            Q:  On the deterrence issue, can you tell the public a little bit why they should have any confidence in this system given that it hasn’t had a successful interception since December 2008?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  Sure.

            We have two types of GBI missiles.  There’s, as you know, the CE-1 and CE-2 missile.  We have to test — successfully tested the CE-1 missile.  We have confidence in that missile, and we’re going to test it again this summer just to maintain, as Congress has asked and we believe we should continue testing those missiles to make sure that they’re healthy.

            And in the meantime, we wanted to improve that missile, and so we developed what’s called the CE-2 missile.  It’s got a number of key upgrades to it, and what we discovered, unfortunately, was that there was one component on that missile that was vulnerable to something we couldn’t test on the ground, something we could only test in space.

            And the Missile Defense Agency has done a really good job of thoroughly diagnosing that problem, and has retested that missile – not against a target – in January, and it performed beautifully.  And so, we have a lot of confidence right now that even the CE-2 missile we test it this fall, will be successful.  Obviously we still have to do that.

            But we retain our confidence in the CE-1 missile, which is in silos up in Alaska right now.  So the American people should have faith in that missile, and that we can defend ourselves against a potential North Korean threat as it exists today.

            This is also a prudent measure as that threat evolves, and also potentially evolves from Iran to continue the hedge.

            Q:  (inaudible) flight test?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  We are going to flight test the CE-1 this summer, and we are gonna hopefully flight test the CE-2 after we build it this fall.

            Q:  (inaudible) have any (inaudible) or any (inaudible) in your mind to bolster the total cooperation between U.S., Japan, and South Korea in (inaudible)?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  We’ve — we’ve had very strong bilateral discussions, as you — as you know, with both Japan and with South Korea.  And we’ve begun to — to initiate some tri-lateral discussions as well.  We’ll see where those go.  We think there’s certainly value in pursuing that path.

            Q:  A clarification of coverage — how much of the United States will be covered by — by these interceptors if they are only in Alaska?

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  The entire United States.

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  All the United States.

            Q:  (inaudible) Iran and North Korea from some (inaudible) are under international strict sanctions.  And who is helping in their missile systems, these two countries?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  That’s a good question.  It’s I’m gonna do what the Admiral did earlier — that’s an intelligence question and I’m not going to answer it today.

            Q:  What will — what do you think will be the Chinese reaction after this announcement?

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  I won’t predict that.  I hope that they understand that we need to take the steps necessary to defend ourselves against potential emerging threats from Iran and North Korea.  It’s our policy to stay ahead of that — of — of those threats and we’re taking prudent actions to ensure that we do so.

            Q:  Thank you.

            UNDERSEC. MILLER:  Thank you.

            ADM. WINNEFELD:  Thank you.

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Message to the Department of Defense from Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel

English: Official portrait of Leon Panetta as ...

English: Official portrait of Leon Panetta as United States Secretary of Defense (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

To All Department of Defense Personnel:

            Earlier today I was privileged to take the oath of office to become the 24th secretary of defense.  I am humbled by and grateful for the opportunity that President Obama and the Congress have given me to once again serve our nation.

            I am most especially grateful for the opportunity to work with all of you.  Every day you work to defend America.  The noble cause of your profession, your individual sacrifices, and your service inspire us all.

            As your leader, I will always do my best for our country and for all of you and your families.  As with my friends and predecessors Leon Panetta and Bob Gates, your safety, success, and welfare will always be at the forefront of my decisions.  I will build on the strong foundation of teamwork built by Secretaries Gates and Panetta, as we work together.  Leadership is a team business.

            I have long believed that America must maintain the strongest military on earth; we must lead the international community, with a steady and sure hand to confront threats and challenges together as we work closely with our allies and partners to advance our common interests and build a more hopeful world.  We must use all tools of American power to protect our citizens and our interests; and America must engage not retreat in the world, but engage wisely.

            This is a defining time for the United States military and for our nation.  We are emerging from more than a decade of war, yet the threats facing us are no less dangerous or complicated.

            Despite these challenges, I believe an historic opportunity exists to help build a safer, more prosperous, and more secure world.  But to achieve this goal we must ensure that we are ready, trained and equipped to fulfill our role of protecting the country and standing firm against aggression.  To that end, the strength, well-being and readiness of our all-volunteer force will be my top priority.  This will require 21st century agility and flexibility.  We must take care of our people, and working with the VA and other institutions, I will ensure that you and your families get the health care, job opportunities, benefits, and education you have all earned and deserve.  My life and career have been about helping our service members, veterans and their families.  One of my proudest accomplishments in the U.S. Senate was coauthoring with my fellow Vietnam veteran and friend, Jim Webb, the Post-9/11 G.I. Bill.

            As I assume this office, I am mindful of the sacrifices that you and your families have made for more than a decade, and continue to make every day.  In Afghanistan, where 66,000 of our troops remain in a tough fight, we have a clear and achievable objective to fully transition security responsibility to the Afghan National Security Forces by the end of 2014.  As you know, Afghan forces will step into the lead for security operations across the country this spring, and over the next year another 34,000 of our troops will come home.

            As we turn the page on more than a decade of grinding conflict, we must broaden our attention to future threats and challenges.  That means continuing to increase our focus on the Asia-Pacific region, reinvigorating historic alliances like NATO, and making new investments in critical capabilities like cyber.

            In order to accomplish our mission, we also must make wise budget decisions prioritizing our interests and requirements.  Like each of you, I am greatly concerned about the impact that the looming round of automatic budget cuts will have on you and your families, and on military readiness.  As someone who has run businesses, I know that severe budget uncertainty limits our ability and flexibility to manage and plan and use taxpayer dollars in the most efficient manner possible.  I will work within the administration and with Congress to help resolve this uncertainty in a way that does not break America’s commitment to you, your families, and our veterans.

            As I begin my time here at the department I want you to know that I recognize the immense responsibility that I have, and will work hard every day to fulfill my duties as secretary of defense as honestly and effectively as I know how.  You are the greatest force for good in the world.  It is the highest honor to serve alongside you.  I am proud to be part of your team.  Thank you for your commitment and dedication to our country.


, U.S. Senator from Nebraska.

, U.S. Senator from Nebraska. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Washington, D.C.:  On the eve of the critical procedural vote on the nomination of Chuck Hagel to become the next Secretary of Defense, ten national leaders of different faiths – but sharing a common commitment to Israel and its people – issued a joint appeal to members of the United States Senate to reject this appointment.  In a letter to each Senator delivered before they act today on Majority Leader Harry Reid’s motion to cut off debate on this controversial nominee, the authors declared:
“Notwithstanding assurances he has made privately to your colleague, Sen. Chuck Schumer, in the course of his confirmation hearing and in other settings, Sen. Hagel’s longstanding hostility towards Jews and Israel is reprehensible and should disqualify him from this sensitive post.
The ten leaders represent millions of Americans whose religious beliefs, deeply held values and strategic understanding of our times prompts them to champion the closest of ties between America and its only reliable ally in the Middle East, the State of Israel. They warn that:
“…The next few years may be among the most turbulent in the history of U.S.-Israeli relations. This is the case thanks to the developing perfect storm of: continuing and intensifying violence perpetrated by al Qaeda and other jihadists throughout the Middle East and adjacent regions; the ascendancy there and elsewhere of a Muslim Brotherhood equally committed to Israel’s destruction; and an Iranian regime that explicitly and repeatedly declares its intention to wipe Israel off the map nearing the realization of its nuclear weapon ambitions.”
The authors – who include Pastor John C. Hagee, National Chairman of Christians United for Israel, Mort Klein, President of the Zionist Organization of America and Rick Santorum, former U.S. Senator and Co-Founder of Patriot Voices, Rev. Rick Joyner, President of the Oak Initiative and Beth Gilinsky, President of the National Conference on Jewish Affairs – cite evidence that “bespeak[s] a deep-seated animus” towards Jews and Israel that will surely dangerously influence Senator Hagel’s conduct should he become Defense Secretary.”
There is reason to believe that the referenced examples of Senator Hagel’s seriously defective judgment with respect to the Jewish State and its enemies – and ours – are but the tip of the proverbial iceberg.  Unfortunately, if the Senate acts to cut-off debate on the Hagel nomination today, it will allow the nominee to withhold such information and probably other materials that would be even more damning.  That would be doubly appalling for the fact that Sen. Hagel formally and publicly committed to Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Carl Levin that all requests for such data would be honored.  (See a relevant column in today’s Washington Times (http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/feb/26/the-case-against-chuck-hagel/) by Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., President of the Center for Security Policy which facilitated this letter.)
February 26, 2013
522 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
Dear Senator Reid:
                We write to urge you to oppose Chuck Hagel’s nomination to become the next Secretary of Defense.  The evidence that has accumulated in recent weeks makes one thing clear:  Notwithstanding assurances he has made privately to your colleague, Sen. Chuck Schumer, in the course of his confirmation hearing and in other settings, Sen. Hagel’s longstanding hostility towards Jews and Israel is reprehensible and should disqualify him from this sensitive post.
                That is especially true at the present moment.  As you are well aware, the next few years may be among the most turbulent in the history of U.S.-Israeli relations.  This is the case thanks to the developing perfect storm of: continuing and intensifying violence perpetrated by al Qaeda and other jihadists throughout the Middle East and adjacent regions; the ascendancy there and elsewhere of a Muslim Brotherhood equally committed to Israel’s destruction; and an Iranian regime that explicitly and repeatedly declares its intention to wipe Israel off the map nearing the realization of its nuclear weapon ambitions.
                 Particularly under such circumstances, the myriad examples of former Senator Hagel’s hostility towards Jews and the Jewish State cannot be dismissed on the basis of disavowals or apologies that clearly have much more to do with the needs of his imperiled confirmation than with a change of heart.  Consider just a few of the cases in point:
·         Sen. Hagel’s long-held notions about the “Jewish lobby” intimidating Senators.
·         His moral equivalence between Israel and those bent on its destruction.
·         His view that Israel’s putative nuclear arsenal is more worrying than an Iranian one.
·         His claim that the State Department is an “adjunct to the Israeli Foreign Ministers’ office.”
·         His contention that Israel is becoming “an apartheid state.” And
·         His co-authorship of a report that recommends inserting U.S. forces on the West Bank to facilitate the establishment of a Palestinian state there.  Such a step would inevitably embroil us in that conflict – probably, in due course, with the effect of protecting Palestinian terrorists against Israeli defensive measures.
              All these bespeak a deep-seated animus that will surely dangerously influence Senator Hagel’s conduct should he become Defense Secretary.
              No true friend of the Jewish people and Israel can support that outcome.  We call upon you to preclude it from happening.
Pastor John C. Hagee, Founder and National Chairman of Christians United for Israel
Mort Klein, President, Zionist Organization of America
Hon. Rick Santorum, Co-Founder, Patriot Voices
Rev. Rick Joyner, President, The Oak Initiative
Beth Gilinsky, President, National Conference on Jewish Affairs
Lieutenant General William G. Boykin, Ordained Minister, Kingdom Warriors
Rabbi Jon Hausman, Policy Committee Member, National Conference on Jewish Affairs
Sarah Stern, President, Endowment for Middle East Truth
Joel Rosenberg, New York Times Best-selling Author
Nicholas F. Papanicalaou, Chief Executive Officer, Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem